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ie Significance of 

e Great War 



Issued by 

The Victorian Club of Boston 

Copies may be had from the Secretary 
12 Pearl St., Boston, Mass. 



The Significance of 

The Great War 



A Speech before the 

Victorian Club of Boston 

on 8th October, 1914 

By 

Ralph Adams Cram 

Litt.D. F.A.I.A. F.R.G.S. 



" Christianity — and this is its highest merit — has in some degree 
softened, but it could not destroy, the brutal German joy of battle. 
When once the taming talisman, the Cross, breaks in tivo, the 
savagery of the old fighters, the senseless Berserker fury of which 
the northern poets sing and say so much, will gush up anew. That 
talisman is decayed, and the day will come when it will piteously 
collapse. Then the old stone gods 'will rise from the silent ruins, and 
rub the dust of a thousand years from their eyes. Thor, with his 
giant" s hammer, will at last spring up, and shatter to bits the Gothic 
cathedrals. ' ' 



Heinrich Heine. 



Issued by 

The Victorian Club of Boston 
1914 






rg 



The Significance of the 
Great War 

Mr. President and Members of the Vic- 
torian Club: 

When the last accounts are made up of this 
War of Wars, and high honour is measured out 
as well as eternal dishonour, there will be 
enough of each for every nation to receive its 
due share, but to two nations will be accorded 
honour in a very singular degree, and you, 
gentlemen, will justify me in naming Belgium 
first and Great Britain second. 

It would be impossible for me adequately to 
express my deep appreciation of the fact that 
you of this second greatly distinguished people 
give me the privilege of speaking to you tonight, 
for in a very real sense the Victorian Club is 
the official representative in Boston of the 
English people, and in speaking to you I speak 
to them, a task for which I am most indiffer- 
ently fitted. 

When I consider the title of my talk to you 
tonight I realize that, were I to deal with the 
subject as I might, I should be guilty of false 

[3] 



pretenses. There are many points of view 
from which I might regard the question. I 
might deal with it in the light of diplomacy, 
tracing the tortuous and sinister scheming of 
European chancelleries through the second 
Balkan War to the first of that name, and so, 
step by step, to the Treaty of Berlin, the Franco- 
Prussian War, the Partition of Poland, the 
wars of Frederick the Great and the Spanish 
Succession; through the personalities of Bis- 
marck, Disraeli, Metternich, Frederick, Mazarin, 
Richelieu, to Macchiavelli, where they centre 
at last in dishonourable focus. 

I might consider it from a dynastic stand- 
point, narrating the rise of the houses of 
Hohenzollern and Hapsburg, Romanoff and 
Bonaparte, and the endless convolutions of 
personal and family intrigue; or from that of 
politics, with the growth of a new democracy 
and constitutional monarchy in bitter contest 
with that absolutism that was the product of 
the Renaissance; or from that of race, with its 
conflict of Latin and Teuton, and Anglo-Saxon 
and Slav. 

I might deal with it on the basis of economic 
factors, noting the recent incredible develop- 
ment of "labour-saving" machines, with its 
resulting over-production; the widening and 
aggrandizement of trade; the increase of popu- 
lation and material wealth; the development 
[4] 



of the colonial system with, in the latter cate- 
gory, the virtual defeat of the Teuton at every 
turn. 

In each of these considerations, I should lack 
that exact knowledge necessary to justification, 
but I propose to approach the subject from a 
wholly different quarter, for while all the ele- 
ments I have named are contributory to the 
final catastrophe, not one is fundamental, nor 
are all when taken together. Behind lies 
something that has made this war unique, 
something that differentiates it from all other 
wars, so that even those nations not as yet in- 
volved are in eager sympathy with the Allies. 
Why is it that in one week universal peace 
has given place to universal war, where old 
alliances are broken, old animosities buried, 
old prejudices forgotten, and a world rallies to 
arms against two empires? Belgium did not 
stand for a technicality when she defied the 
hordes of the War Lord who was to be to her 
Attila in all his savagery; France did not rush 
to arms to regain her lost provinces; Russia is 
not fighting for Slav supremacy; England did 
not rise to defend her colonial markets, nor is it 
fear of loss of trade that is fast rousing the rest 
of the world to a point that will soon brook no 
further control. If these considerations have 
played a part, as they may, in the councils of 
Governments, they are negligible features in 

(si 



the great uprising that has spread in the West, 
from Belgium through France and Great Britain, 
and is finding its echoes in distant empires and 
in the islands of the sea. 

Suddenly, and like a nightmare transforma- 
tion, a veil fell, and all the world knew it 
faced an economic peril, indeed, but also an 
evil and an awful thing that meant the down- 
fall of such civilization as we have retained. 

For very long we have lived in a "fool's 
paradise." Our inconceivable discoveries and 
triumphs in natural science, the astounding 
industrial and mechanical devices that have 
made the last century and this a wonder in 
history, our unprecedented increase in visible 
wealth and in luxury of living, with a brilliant 
and plausible philosophy universally accepted 
and justifying it all, have had issue in that 
Gospel of Efficiency linked to a cancerous and 
ingrowing self-sufficiency that has blinded the 
world to the actual conditions that exist. And 
all the while and in all nations religion was 
either ignored or savagely assailed, education 
was ruthlessly secularized and severed from all 
ethical considerations, and morality was cast 
out of business and political relations to such 
a degree that men eagerly engaged in conduct 
from which a Parisian Apache or a dweller in 
Whitechapel would turn with disgust as beneath 
his elementary standards of personal honour. 
[6] 



It was a "fool's paradise," and as we believed 
in our unchallenged supremacy, so we denied 
that any power in heaven or hell or on earth 
could shake it by war or revolution. Socialism, 
threatening reform in methods, but based on 
an identical glorification of purely material 
things, asserted that the proletariat, at last 
come into its own, would veto any action 
towards war; finance, with its network of 
tentacles ramifying through Europe and 
America and exerting a control it piously 
denied over governments and over the very 
question of peace and war, gave assurance that 
without its consent war would never happen 
again; while millionaires and pacificists, build- 
ing Peace Palaces and organizing Peace Foun- 
dations and Peace Congresses, roundly declared 
that the end of war was at hand. 

And all the while our widespread charity 
and philanthropy and our popular mania for 
social service gave colour to the smug preten- 
sions of evolutionary philosophy that, in ac- 
cordance with the "laws" of the survival of 
the fittest, and progressive evolution, and the 
ascent of man, the world had now reached a 
point in its progress so immeasurably above 
anything recorded in past history that those 
same barbarous acts that were not inconsistent 
with Medievalism or Antiquity were no longer 
possible. 

[73 



It was inevitable that all this, for our blind 
and ignorant folly, should somewhere find its 
culmination. You cannot initiate or acquiesce 
in a definite course of development, giving it free 
rein, without this result. Nor were we without 
sufficient evidence where this was taking 
place; the sequence, Treitschke, Nietzsche, 
von Bernhardi, combined with the military 
cabal that has been supreme for a genera- 
tion, could only have issue in that Pan-Ger- 
manism that has just thrown off its mask in 
these latter days. When the Kaiser dismissed 
von Bismarck the act indicated one of two 
things; either that he proposed to reverse the 
historic policy of "Blood and Iron," estab- 
lishing for his country and for Europe a lasting 
peace, or that he had determined on a course 
of procedure towards ultimate Teutonic suprem- 
acy to which even the unscrupulous Chancellor 
would not submit. Was there any man then 
who believed the first alternative was the cor- 
rect one? Is there any man here tonight who 
believes that for a moment the Kaiser con- 
templated this pacific course, even in spite of 
the long years of peace he imposed on Europe 
while the blow was being prepared? 

No. If we had eyes to see, eyes not purblind 

with self-conceit, we should have known a 

generation ago that the culmination of our 

consistent course for four centuries would take 

[8 ] 



place in Prussia, and that when the proper 
moment came that power would strike for 
European dominion and then for world control. 
The moment came, and never in history was 
there a time when so many things occurred 
simultaneously to lead to a certain course. 
The Kiel Canal, which at a stroke doubled the 
offensive power of the German navy, was 
opened; the reorganization of the Russian 
army, begun after the Japanese war, was not 
yet completed; the French army had been 
declared in the Chamber of Deputies to be in 
a most ineffective condition, and this allega- 
tion was admitted by the Ministry of War itself; 
England was supposed to be on the very brink 
of civil war, while the Balkan Alliance, engi- 
neered in the beginning by Germany to pull its 
chestnuts from the Moslem fire, but out of 
hand in the end, to the dismay of Teuton 
diplomacy, had been destroyed by the second 
Balkan War, which was Germany's masterly 
counter-check to developments she had little 
anticipated. 

On the other hand Germany was fully pre- 
pared, as she had been at any time during 
the past ten years. Austria was as ready as 
could ever be hoped, while whatever was to 
be done must be done before the death of Franz 
Joseph. Italy was securely bound to the Triple 
Alliance, Belgium did not count anyway, and 
[9l 



the United States had its hands full in Mexico. 
If ever, the stroke must come now, and from 
the standpoint of the controlling influence in 
Teutonic councils, the murder of the Arch- 
duke of Austria and his wife was the most 
providential thing that could have happened. 

The plan was a knife in the back for France 
by means of a violation of Belgian neutrality 
and a dash through its territories, the capture 
of Paris, the driving of the French armies 
south where Italy could take them in the rear, 
then a quick change of front to crush Russia, 
held in temporary check by Austria who also 
was to silence and intimidate the Balkans. 

What lay behind this? Nothing less than 
the effective control of Europe through the 
annexing of Belgium and Holland, Russian 
Poland, the Baltic Provinces and possibly 
Denmark. With the death of Franz Joseph 
Austria-Hungary was to be assimilated, while 
the Balkans were to be seized and an outlet 
to the iEgean obtained and also a through 
line to the Persian Gulf. Such French colonies 
were to be taken over as were useful, and 
British colonies also, if Great Britain came into 
the war, or shortly thereafter if she did not. 
In a word the end aimed at was the crushing 
of the British Empire and France and the 
driving of Russia back into Asia. 

It was a dream of empire such as appeals to 
[ 10 1 



the parvenu, to Alexander, Caesar, Napoleon, 
Prussia: for Prussia is essentially parvenu, 
with no ancient history, no cultural tradition 
comparable with those of the nations that 
surround her and, in the south, extend 
the German Empire and make up that of 
Austria-Hungary ; and the heart of this Sa- 
tanic dream was material supremacy founded 
on force and the denial of abstract right and 
wrong. 

And here let me emphasize one point. In 
trying to bring home to one agency the cause 
of a damnable war, I try always to say Prussia 
rather than Germany. Against the Germans 
in the large sense the world has no enmity, for 
as a race they are a great and a noble people. 
I know from several sources, each of them so 
high that they can neither be questioned nor 
quoted, that Bavaria, Saxony, Wurttemberg 
and Baden were, through the great majority 
of their people, bitterly opposed to the Kaiser 
in his determination to wage this war. Between 
the Catholic Germany of the south and the 
Lutheran-agnostic Prussia of the north, there 
is a gulf never wholly closed since the enforced 
union at Versailles, and now daily growing 
wider. The common enemy is not the kindly, 
pious, industrious German; it is the militar- 
philosophical Prussian, concentrated in the 
cabal at Berlin, with its lieutenant in Vienna, 
In] 



that has been fostered by Kaiser Wilhelm, if 
not created by him. 

Now, when the veil fell, there came on all 
nations a great fear, not alone for their lives 
and their trade and their wealth, but more 
than all because they saw that the whole 
world was threatened with the reign of Anti- 
christ and the armies now assembling for 
Armageddon. On the one side were all the 
powers of a godless materialism, on the other 
all those forces that were ready to rise up in 
defense of Christian society. 

And the skirts of no nation were clean; 
what they saw they themselves had helped to 
build. In so far as England and France and 
Italy and America had forgotten honesty in 
their business dealings, had abandoned high 
ideals in developing their finance, manufacture 
and trade, had perjured themselves through 
cynical diplomacy, had degraded education to 
an empty intellectualism, and built hospitals 
and libraries and churches to hide their denial 
of Christianity and honour and decent morals, 
they had been guilty, and in equal measure, 
with Austria and Prussia. In a flash of reveal- 
ing light they saw the pit they had digged and 
they turned — some of them — from their blind 
stumbling, and rose up, heroically and unself- 
ishly, to do battle against the common enemy, 
even at the eleventh hour. 
[12] 



I am far from denying that material con- 
siderations have entered in to play their part 
in determining action. Undoubtedly so far 
as the Governments of Russia and France 
and Great Britain are concerned they did do 
so, as they should, though I doubt if these alone 
would have been sufficient. As Chesterton 
has so well said, however, in speaking of 
England's defense of Belgium, "Surely it 
cannot be more wicked to keep your word for 
selfish reasons than it is to break your word for 
selfish reasons . . . even if it were true that 
Germany acted from the high, sincere motive 
of forcing all human beings to sit out a play by 
Sudermann, or that England acted from the 
low, selfish motive of protecting the English 
ports." 

In any case, no question of ports or trade 
was the sufficient cause for the universal up- 
rising in every quarter of the globe on the part 
of the people themselves, that astonishing 
phenomenon so like the earliest Crusades. 
Nothing less than what may well be a 
divine revelation to all tongues and all 
peoples of the real significance of the War 
can explain this great rising of men for 
united battle against an enemy whose nature 
is clearly perceived. 

And we must rejoice — that is a strange word 
to use — we must be grateful in a sense, that 

[13] 



the methods of warfare thus far pursued by 
the new Attila and his Huns are consonant 
with their cause, since they remove the last 
lingering doubt. We are warned not to believe 
the stories of Prussian atrocities, but there is 
no denial that Germany tried to bribe Belgium 
and England and Spain with the prospective 
plunder of their allies and defenders; there is 
no denial — there is frank avowal — that 
Germany broke her solemn treaty with a little 
State, calling it "only a scrap of paper" in 
order that she might garrote another nation 
who had left herself comparatively defenseless 
along these neutral frontiers, confiding in their 
neutrality; there is no denial that Germany 
solemnly reassured Belgium even while the 
armies were in motion that were to violate her 
frontiers; there is no denial that German air- 
ships are dropping death and mutilation on 
the old men, women and children in cities far 
from the firing line; there is no denial that for 
one shot from a non-combatant in an occupied 
town, driven mad by insult and outrage, hun- 
dreds of innocent citizens are lined up against 
walls and killed in cold blood; there is no denial 
that whole cities are looted and burned in 
revenge, and that the Catholic University of 
Louvain was given to the flames with all its 
treasures, or that Rheims, the wonder of the 
world, with Red Cross flags on its towers, and 
[14] 



its nave full of wounded Germans and French 
nurses, was shelled for days and reduced to a 
hopeless and pitiful ruin. 

And further — I received yesterday morn- 
ing from the Duke of Argyle a letter in which 
he says that already little Belgian children 
are being received and adopted in England, 
whose arms and hands have been sawed and cut 
off, so that they at least, if they live, shall never 
fight for their homes or their country. 

This talk about discrediting all stories of 
German cruelty is mawkish sentiment; already 
the evidence is overwhelming, and we know 
that the policy of positive force and negative 
morals is working itself out through logical 
and consistent methods, and at the same 
moment justifying itself by a cynical and 
antichristian philosophy. 

As Pope Pius IX said at the fall of Rome, 
"It is the work of the devil, but God will turn 
it into a blessing. ,, Out of this welter of 
carnage, cruelty and apostacy will come utter 
world-weariness and international bankruptcy, 
but after these things will follow a new sal- 
vation. Victory will in the end follow the 
Allies, for unrighteousness never endures but 
for a season. The day has come, "The Day" 
so often toasted in Prussian military circles; 
its dawn is very like what was anticipated, but 
its close will be very different. And after? We 

[I5l 



cannot go back, we must go forward. You — 
I wish I could say we — are waging a war 
whose driving force is righteousness, and any 
going back on that is now unthinkable. There 
can be no issue of this war except unconditional 
surrender of the enemy, and any man who 
talks at this time of peace on the basis of the 
status quo, or on any other basis except that of 
unconditional surrender, is guilty of treason 
against civilization. 

And when, after a few weeks, or months, or 
years, or a generation if necessary, this end is 
achieved, there will come a new condition of 
life so different to the last as to form almost a 
new dispensation. We have learned our lesson 
in blood and tears, and as I say, we cannot go 
back. Once more Christian morals will become 
operative in the affairs of estates and nations 
of men, with a new standard of comparative 
values, a new sense of honour that is also the 
old. In politics, in manufacture, in trade, in 
conduct of life, we shall find again our lost 
ideals, and though we can hope for no golden 
age — for men are always men and social 
evolution only a lie — we at least can look 
forward to a condition of things at least more 
consonant with our verbal pretensions, more 
worthy of comparison with the best that man 
has achieved in the past. And in all these 
changes there is none I think that will be more 
[16] 



profound, as there will be none more significant, 
than the restoration of religion once more as 
the underlying, controlling and directing ele- 
ment in human life. 

When at last all is accomplished and the 
Council of Kings sits in Berlin for the settle- 
ment of the affairs of Europe, it will be directed 
by a very different spirit to that which pre- 
vailed at the former Convention of Berlin 
when for the last time Macchiavelli sat supreme 
in the persons of Bismarck and Disraeli. In 
the making of the new map of Europe and safe- 
guarding it for years to come, the controlling 
considerations will be founded on racial and 
religious foundations. Apart from life, liberty 
and the right to work, there are few of what 
are carelessly called "natural rights," but 
amongst these is certainly that of men to de- 
termine their governmental units on the basis 
of legitimate racial aspirations and religious 
affiliations. At present many of the great 
empires are such because of a complete denial 
of these principles, but I believe that the day 
of these great empires is nearly at an end, and 
in their place will come many small and in- 
dependent states with their integrity guaran- 
teed, not by ephemeral "Alliances" and 
"Ententes," but by international agreements 
that will make aggression on the part of one 
nation against another an ipso facto declara- 
[17] 



tion of war against all the others. With this 
must go some universal agreement that will 
reduce armaments to a point where that of 
each state shall bear a definite ratio to popula- 
tion or revenue and be sufficient only to assure 
internal order. 

What will be the aspect of the new Europe 
under these conditions? Let me outline my 
own vision, since there is nothing more absorb- 
ing than prediction before the event. 

In the east, Russian, Prussian and Austrian 
Poland, with Dantzic and eastern Pomerania, 
are reunited, made independent, and the 
Kingdom of Poland lives again. Think what 
this means, to say once more "the Kingdom of 
Poland!" It brings a thrill of exultation novel 
and unexampled. The action of Russia in 
voluntarily promising autonomy to such a 
state establishes a new principle in statecraft, 
and gives a new hope for the future. East 
Prussia, with the Baltic Provinces, German to 
a great extent, will form a new kingdom over 
which Russia is suzerain, and Finland will have 
the same treatment. On the west, Alsace and 
Lorrarine return to France; Schleswig is given 
back to Denmark, with the Kiel Canal, which 
is neutralized; Luxemburg is doubled in 
territory by accessions to the west, while 
Belgium, in formal recognition of her immortal 
heroism and in compensation for her terrible 
[ i8 1 



sorrows, acquires all the German lands as far 
as the Rhine and the Moselle, the remainder 
of Germany south of these rivers, determining 
for itself whether it shall be joined to Belgium 
or France, or become independent as a restored 
Palatinate; Bavaria, Saxony, Wurttemberg 
and Baden are constituted a new Germanic 
state, closely united both racially and reli- 
giously, and north Germany, with the exception 
of Silesia, becomes Prussia again, under its 
own king, and the name of " Germany" is 
removed from the map. 

So, also, the name " Austria-Hungary' ' ceases 
to exist, Bohemia and Moravia become a new 
Kingdom of Bohemia — or rather the ancient 
Kingdom restored to life — German and Aus- 
trian Silesia being given the option of uniting 
themselves to Poland, Bohemia or Prussia, or be- 
coming independent. Hungary cedes the Rou- 
manian portions of Transylvania to Roumania 
and is made independent, while the Tyrol 
determines for itself whether it shall be an- 
nexed to Bavaria, or Switzerland, or whether 
it will remain under the Austrian crown, and 
Croatia and Slavonia are given similar liberty 
of choice as between Hungary, Austria, Servia 
or independence. Upper and lower Austria, 
with Styria, Carinthia and Carniola, become 
the new Austrian Kingdom. Italy regains 
the Trentino, Trieste and Istria, while Bosnia 
[19] 



goes to Servia and Herzegovina to Monte- 
negro, together with southern Dalmatia. 

In the Balkans, the thoroughly bad Treaty 
of Bucharest is disregarded. Montenegro 
gains Scutari, Servia nothern Albania, Greece 
southern Albania, Bulgaria Adrianople, with 
the strip ceded to Roumania, while the fron- 
tiers between her and Servia and Greece are 
rectified with fuller regard to race, language 
and religion. 

Gentlemen ask why I do not speak of Con- 
stantinople: the answer is because this involves 
the question of Russia also, and I confess the 
problem is so complicated that even I shrink 
from an attempted solution. I will say this, 
however; Russia, for her part in this war, 
deserves far more than that indemnity in cash 
she will exact from the enemy, particularly if 
she carries out her promise to reconstitute 
Poland on an autonomous basis, as of course 
she will, and possibly extend this to actual 
independence. On the basis we have estab- 
lished of the racial and religious rights of 
peoples, she could not claim further European 
territory — why then should she not have 
Constantinople, with Trebizond, and rever- 
sionary rights over Asia Minor as the Moslem 
power slowly dies away? I assume that in 
any case the Bosporus will be neutralized, but 
for my own part I cannot now see why Con- 
[20] 



stantinople should not be given into her hands. 
I know that it has long been a superstition 
in England that Russian control of the Bos- 
porus meant England's ruin, but, gentlemen, 
England no longer has anything to fear in this 
direction. 

One more point. You will have noticed that 
I have consistently spoken of new kingdoms, 
with no reference to the possibility of new re- 
publics. It seems to me that there is nothing 
more amazing in connection with this war than 
the persistent efforts of individuals and news- 
papers to discover false motives underlying it. 
One of the most egregious of these is the theory 
that it is in some way a great conflict between 
democracy and monarchy, and that the result 
will be the overthrow of the last of the kings 
in Europe and the establishing of universal 
republics. There is nothing in the past or the 
present to give the slightest basis for this 
assumption; the republican tendency in Europe 
has been growing weaker and weaker for half 
a century and is no longer to be reckoned with. 
The strange superstition that democracies 
guarantee justice, prosperity, good govern- 
ment and peace, while monarchies assure op- 
pression, poverty, corruption and war, is one 
of these mad phenomena that alleviated the 
general dullness of the XlXth century. There 
is no governmental system that is sacrosanct: 

[21 ] 



a republic is good if well administrated, a 
monarchy good under the same conditions. 
In the system itself there is nothing whatever 
to guarantee results that are either one or the 
other. One would think that it would only 
be necessary for those who hold otherwise to 
look across the Rio Grande, now or at any time 
in the past, and for any distance, to find the 
conclusive negation of their postulates — so 
far at least as democratic government is 
concerned. 

Mr. President and gentlemen, the year 1914 
is the most fatal year since the fall of Rome. 
Civilization is being sifted as wheat, and into 
the chaff is going much that we have been 
taught to look on as precious grain. The world 
is offered the Great Choice: what is to be its 
answer? If we choose as Prussia has chosen, 
and Austria, then this civilization is at an end 
and before us looms a new epoch of Dark Ages. 
If on the other hand we choose as Belgium has 
chosen, and Great Britain, and Russia and 
France, then we achieve a new salvation and 
before us opens an era of true enlightenment 
and of Christian living. Is there any doubt as 
to what the choice will be? 

Mr. President and gentlemen, it is hard to 

be neutral even if one's President, under earlier 

and quite different conditions, solemnly asked 

for such neutrality. In my own mind there is 

[22] 



a lingering suspicion that I myself have not 
wholly succeeded in preserving this judicial 
attitude. Gentlemen, I do not care! There is 
more at stake than the formalities of a stereo- 
typed diplomacy: your battle is our battle, and 
at last we are coming to realize the fact. I 
would avoid overt violation of the laws of 
neutrality, but this I will say. 

We want peace; peace with honour and jus- 
tice, and peace that shall be a fact not a phrase, 
and we want it as soon as possible in order that 
this ghastly slaughter, this carnival of sacrilege 
and spoliation, may come to an end before it 
is too late and international bankruptcy com- 
pletes the work of international catastrophe. 
Unless we can patiently look forward to a war 
of years, with endless disappointments and 
reverses in its course and with red ruin at the 
end, the world must unite against the common 
enemy. I wish from the bottom of my heart 
that the United States would say to Italy and 
Spain, "We ask you, on a certain date, to unite 
with us in a declaration of war, jointly and 
severally, against the Empires of Germany and 
Austria-Hungary, in order that the war may 
be brought to an end, and peace restored on a 
basis of stability and permanence." 

And I will say this further. If this is not 
done, and, which God forbid, the fortunes of 
war turn against the Allies, we, alone or in 
[23] 



concert with all Europe, shall be forced to 
join unhesitatingly with you in defense of our 
common heritage. 

God save King George and his allies; give 
to their military and naval forces the final 
victory, and to the world an enduring peace! 



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